A Prophet Like Moses - Japanese
April 3, 2025
モーセのような預言者
ジェイコブ・プラッシュ
モーセのような預言者
申命記 18 章 18 節はメシアについてであるとタルムードは言っています。
『わたしは彼らの同胞のうちから、彼らのためにあなたのようなひとりの預言者を起こそう。わたしは彼の口にわたしのことばを授けよう。彼は、わたしが命じることをみな、彼らに告げる。』
私たちはこの箇所がイエスに関してであると知っています。彼がモーセのような預言者なのです。
外国の圧政の下で生まれる
『さて、ヨセフのことを知らない新しい王がエジプトに起こった。彼は民に言った。
「見よ。イスラエルの民は、われわれよりも多く、また強い。さあ、彼らを賢く取 り扱おう。彼らが多くなり、いざ戦いというときに、敵側についてわれわれと戦い、この地から出て行くといけないから。」そこで、彼らを苦役で苦しめるために、彼 らの上に労務の係長を置き、パロのために倉庫の町ピトムとラメセスを建てた。』
（出エジプト 1 章 8 節－11 節）
モーセは外国の圧政の下で生まれました。
『そのころ、全世界の住民登録をせよという勅令が、皇帝アウグストから出た。
これは、クレニオがシリヤの総督であったときの最初の住民登録であった。』（ルカ
2 章 1 節－2 節）
イエスは外国の圧政の下で生まれました。
邪悪な王によって脅される
『また、エジプトの王は、ヘブル人の助産婦たちに言った。そのひとりの名はシフ
ラ、もうひとりの名はプアであった。彼は言った。「ヘブル人の女に分娩させるとき、産み台の上を見て、もしも男の子なら、それを殺さなければならない。女の子なら、生かしておくのだ。」』（出エジプト 1 章 15 節－16 節）
邪悪な王はモーセとヘブル人の男の子が殺されるように命令しました。
『その後、ヘロデは、博士たちにだまされたことがわかると、非常におこって、人をやって、ベツレヘムとその近辺の二歳以下の男の子をひとり残らず殺させた。その年令は博士たちから突き止めておいた時間から割り出したのである。』（マタイ 2
章 16 節）
邪悪な王はイエスとユダヤ人の男の子が殺されるように命令しました。
両親の信仰
『女はみごもって、男の子を産んだが、そのかわいいのを見て、三か月の間その子を隠しておいた。』（出エジプト 2 章 2 節）
『信仰によって、モーセは生まれてから、両親によって三か月の間隠されていました。彼らはその子の美しいのを見たからです。彼らは王の命令をも恐れませんでした。』（ヘブル 11 章 23 節）
モーセの命は彼の両親の信仰によって救われ、保たれました。
『彼らが帰って行ったとき、見よ、主の使いが夢でヨセフに現われて言った。「立って、幼子とその母を連れ、エジプトへ逃げなさい。そして、私が知らせるまで、そこにいなさい。ヘロデがこの幼子を捜し出して殺そうとしています。」そこで、ヨセフは立って、夜のうちに幼子とその母を連れてエジプトに立ちのき、』（マタイ
2 章 13 節－14 節）
イエスの命は彼の両親の信仰によって救われ、保たれました。
エジプトで守られる
『その子が大きくなったとき、女はその子をパロの娘のもとに連れて行った。その
子は王女の息子になった。彼女はその子をモーセと名づけた。彼女は、「水の中か
ら、私がこの子を引き出したのです。」と言ったからである。』（出エジプト 2 章 10
節）
モーセはエジプトでひと時の間、保護を受けました。
『そこで、ヨセフは立って、夜のうちに幼子とその母を連れてエジプトに立ちのき、ヘロデが死ぬまでそこにいた。これは、主が預言者を通して、「わたしはエジプト から、 わたしの子を呼び出した」と言われた事が成就するためであった。』（マタ イ 2 章 14 節－15 節）
イエスはエジプトでひと時の間、保護を受けました。
彼の知恵を上回る者はいない
『そのとき、ミリヤムはアロンといっしょに、モーセがめとっていたクシュ人の女のことで彼を非難した。モーセがクシュ人の女をめとっていたからである。彼らは言った。「主はただモーセとだけ話されたのでしょうか。私たちとも話されたのではないでしょうか。」主はこれを聞かれた。さて、モーセという人は、地上のだれにもまさって非常に謙遜であった。』（民数記 12 章 1 節－3 節）
モーセの持っていた知恵のために争おうとした者たちがいました。
『そしてようやく三日の後に、イエスが宮で教師たちの真ん中にすわって、話を聞いたり質問したりしておられるのを見つけた。聞いていた人々はみな、イエスの知恵と答えに驚いていた。』（ルカ 2 章 46 節－47 節）
その幼少時代から、イエスはその素晴らしい知恵と理解を示し、他の者たちは彼と競おうとしましたが、出来ませんでした。
ユダヤ人によって拒絶される
『民はモーセが山から降りて来るのに手間取っているのを見て、アロンのもとに集まり、彼に言った。「さあ、私たちに先立って行く神を、造ってください。私たちをエジプトの地から連れ上ったあのモーセという者が、どうなったのか、私たちにはわからないから。」』（出エジプト 32 章 1 節）
モーセはイスラエルの民によって、ひと時の間退けられました。
『しかし、総督は彼らに答えて言った。「あなたがたは、ふたりのうちどちらを釈放してほしいのか。」彼らは言った。「バラバだ。」ピラトは彼らに言った。「では、キリストと言われているイエスを私はどのようにしようか。」彼らはいっせいに言った。「十字架につけろ。」』（マタイ 27 章 21 節－22 節）
彼の地上での生涯が終わりに近づくにつれて、イエスはユダヤ人に、『祝福あれ。主の御名によって来られる方に』とあなたがたが言うときまで、あなたがたは今後決してわたしを見ることはありません。』（マタイ 23 章 39 節）と言いました。
『兄弟たち。私はあなたがたに、ぜひこの奥義を知っていていただきたい。それは、あなたがたが自分で自分を賢いと思うことがないようにするためです。その奥義と は、イスラエル人の一部がかたくなになったのは異邦人の完成のなる時までであ り、』（ローマ 11 章 25 節）
イエスはイスラエルの民によって、ひと時の間退けられました。
異邦人に受け入れられる
『次の日、また外に出てみると、なんと、ふたりのヘブル人が争っているではないか。そこで彼は悪いほうに「なぜ自分の仲間を打つのか。」と言った。するとその男は、「だれがあなたを私たちのつかさやさばきつかさにしたのか。あなたはエジプト人を殺したように、私も殺そうと言うのか。」と言った。そこでモーセは恐れて、きっとあのことが知れたのだと思った。パロはこのことを聞いて、モーセを殺そうと捜し求めた。しかし、モーセはパロのところからのがれ、ミデヤンの地に住んだ。…モーセは、思い切ってこの人といっしょに住むようにした。そこでその人は娘のチッポラをモーセに与えた。』（出エジプト 2 章 13 節－15 節・21 節）
モーセはユダヤ人に退けられましたが、異邦人に受け入れられました。
『そのとおりです。彼らは不信仰によって折られ、あなたは信仰によって立っています。高ぶらないで、かえって恐れなさい。』（ローマ 11 章 20 節）
『わたしに問わなかった者たちに、わたしは尋ねられ、わたしを捜さなかった者た
ちに、見つけられた。…それゆえ、神である主はこう仰せられる。「見よ。わたし のしもべたちは食べる。しかし、あなたがたは飢える。見よ。わたしのしもべたち は飲む。しかし、あなたがたは渇く。見よ。わたしのしもべたちは喜ぶ。しかし、 あなたがたは恥を見る。見よ。わたしのしもべたちは心の楽しみによって喜び歌う。しかし、あなたがたは心の痛みによって叫び、たましいの傷によって泣きわめく。 あなたがたは自分の名を、わたしの選んだ者たちののろいとして残す。それで神で ある主は、あなたがたを殺される。ご自分のしもべたちを、ほかの名で呼ばれるよ うにされる。』（イザヤ 65 章 1 節・13 節－15 節）
イエスはユダヤ人に退けられましたが、異邦人に受け入れられました。
家族から非難を受ける
『そのとき、ミリヤムはアロンといっしょに、モーセがめとっていたクシュ人の女のことで彼を非難した。モーセがクシュ人の女をめとっていたからである。』（民数記 12 章 1 節）
モーセは黒人のアフリカ人の女をめとっていました。
『イエスが家に戻られると、また大ぜいの人が集まって来たので、みなは食事する暇もなかった。イエスの身内の者たちが聞いて、イエスを連れ戻しに出て来た。
「気が狂ったのだ」と言う人たちがいたからである。』（マルコ 3 章 20 節－21 節）
モーセは異邦人の妻をめとったために、自分の家族から非難されました。イエスはその予型や象徴において、主に異邦人である教会をめとったので、ユダヤ人たちは彼を非難します。ルツ記はペンテコステの日にシナゴーグで朗読されています。ユダヤ人が異邦人の妻をめとり、その子どもはベツレヘムで生まれ“買戻す者（贖い主）”と呼ばれたという話です。
罪を負うことを受け入れる
『そこでモーセは主のところに戻って、申し上げた。「ああ、この民は大きな罪を 犯してしまいました。自分たちのために金の神を造ったのです。今、もし、彼らの 罪をお赦しくだされるものなら――。しかし、もしも、かないませんなら、どうか、あなたがお書きになったあなたの書物から、私の名を消し去ってください。」』（出 エジプト 32 章 31 節－32 節）
モーセは民の罪が赦されるよう神に祈り、その罪の結果と咎とを彼自身が負うことを受け
入れました。
『あなたがたが召されたのは、実にそのためです。キリストも、あなたがたのために苦しみを受け、その足跡に従うようにと、あなたがたに模範を残されました。キリストは罪を犯したことがなく、その口に何の偽りも見いだされませんでした。ののしられても、ののしり返さず、苦しめられても、おどすことをせず、正しくさばかれる方にお任せになりました。そして自分から十字架の上で、私たちの罪をその身に負われました。それは、私たちが罪を離れ、義のために生きるためです。キリストの打ち傷のゆえに、あなたがたは、いやされたのです。』（１ペテロ 2 章 21 節
－24 節）
イエスは民の罪が赦されるよう神に祈り、その罪の結果と咎とを彼自身が負うことを受け入れました。
四十日四十夜断食をする
『モーセはそこに、四十日四十夜、主とともにいた。彼はパンも食べず、水も飲まなかった。そして、彼は石の板に契約のことば、十のことばを書きしるした。』（出エジプト 34 章 28 節）
モーセは神の民に契約をもたらすために、四十日四十夜断食しました。
『そして、四十日四十夜断食したあとで、空腹を覚えられた。』（マタイ 4 章 2 節）イエスは神の民に契約をもたらすために、四十日四十夜断食しました。
神と顔と顔を合わせる
『モーセのような預言者は、もう再びイスラエルには起こらなかった。彼を主は、顔と顔とを合わせて選び出された。』（申命記 34 章 10 節）
モーセは神と顔と顔を合わせるような関係にありました。
『いまだかつて神を見た者はいない。父のふところにおられるひとり子の神が、神
を説き明かされたのである。』（ヨハネ 1 章 18 節）
イエスは神と顔と顔を合わせるような関係にありました。
顔が輝いた
『モーセが主の前にはいって行って主と話すときには、いつも、外に出るときまで、おおいをはずしていた。そして出て来ると、命じられたことをイスラエル人に告げ た。イスラエル人はモーセの顔を見た。まことに、モーセの顔のはだは光を放った。モーセは、主と話すためにはいって行くまで、自分の顔におおいを掛けていた。』
（出エジプト 34 章 34 節－35 節）
モーセが神と顔と顔を合わせて会った時、彼は超自然的に光を放ちました。
『そして彼らの目の前で、御姿が変わり、御顔は太陽のように輝き、御衣は光のように白くなった。』（マタイ 17 章 2 節）
イエスはモーセのように超自然的に光を放ちました。
声が聞こえる
出エジプト記で神は天から直接モーセに話しかけられ、声が聞えたとあります。
『すると、イエスは彼らに答えて言われた。「人の子が栄光を受けるその時が来ました。父よ。御名の栄光を現わしてください。」そのとき、天から声が聞こえた。
「わたしは栄光をすでに現わしたし、またもう一度栄光を現わそう。」』（ヨハネ 12
章 23 節－28 節）
神は天から直接イエスに語りかけられました。
墓が御使いによって守られる
ユダの手紙の 9 節の中で、御使いがモーセの墓を守っていたとあります。
『すると、大きな地震が起こった。それは、主の使いが天から降りて来て、石をわ きへころがして、その上にすわったからである。その顔は、いなずまのように輝き、
その衣は雪のように白かった。番兵たちは、御使いを見て恐ろしさのあまり震え上
がり、死人のようになった。すると、御使いは女たちに言った。「恐れてはいけません。あなたがたが十字架につけられたイエスを捜しているのを、私は知っています。ここにはおられません。前から言っておられたように、よみがえられたからです。来て、納めてあった場所を見てごらんなさい。』（マタイ 28 章 2 節－6 節）
イエスの墓をひとりの御使いが守っていました。
神の御名を明らかにする
『モーセは神に申し上げた。「今、私はイスラエル人のところに行きます。私が彼らに『あなたがたの父祖の神が、私をあなたがたのもとに遣わされました。』と言えば、彼らは、『その名は何ですか。』と私に聞くでしょう。私は、何と答えたらよいのでしょうか。」神はモーセに仰せられた。「わたしは、『わたしはある。』という者である。」また仰せられた。「あなたはイスラエル人にこう告げなければならない。『わたしはあるという方が、私をあなたがたのところに遣わされた。』と。」』（出エジプト 3 章 13 節－14 節）
モーセは神の御名を神の民に明らかにしました。
『わたしは、あなたが世から取り出してわたしに下さった人々に、あなたの御名を明らかにしました。…わたしはもう世にいなくなります。彼らは世におりますが、わたしはあなたのみもとにまいります。聖なる父。あなたがわたしに下さっているあなたの御名の中に、彼らを保ってください。それはわたしたちと同様に、彼らが一つとなるためです。わたしは彼らといっしょにいたとき、あなたがわたしに下さっている御名の中に彼らを保ち、また守りました。』（ヨハネ 17 章 6 節・11 節－12節）
イエスは神の御名を神の民に明らかにしました。
民を養う
『その一面の露が上がると、見よ、荒野の面には、地に降りた白い霜のような細かいもの、うろこのような細かいものがあった。イスラエル人はこれを見て、「これは何だろう。」と互いに言った。彼らはそれが何か知らなかったからである。モーセは彼らに言った。「これは主があなたがたに食物として与えてくださったパンで
す。』（出エジプト 16 章 14 節－15 節）
モーセは超自然的に、多くの神の民を養いました。
『そしてイエスは、群衆に命じて草の上にすわらせ、五つのパンと二匹の魚を取り、天を見上げて、それらを祝福し、パンを裂いてそれを弟子たちに与えられたので、 弟子たちは群衆に配った。人々はみな、食べて満腹した。そして、パン切れの余り を取り集めると、十二のかごにいっぱいあった。』（マタイ 14 章 19 節－20 節）
イエスは超自然的に、多くの神の民を養いました。
しるしと不思議を行う
『モーセのような預言者は、もう再びイスラエルには起こらなかった。彼を主は、顔と顔とを合わせて選び出された。それは主が彼をエジプトの地に遣わし、パロとそのすべての家臣たち、およびその全土に対して、あらゆるしるしと不思議を行なわせるためであり、また、モーセが、イスラエルのすべての人々の目の前で、力強い権威と、恐るべき威力とをことごとくふるうためであった。』（申命記 34 章 10 節
－12 節）
モーセは彼以前の誰もしたことのないような、奇跡やしるし、不思議を行いました。
『しかし、わたしにはヨハネの証言よりもすぐれた証言があります。父がわたしに成し遂げさせようとしてお与えになったわざ、すなわちわたしが行なっているわざそのものが、わたしについて、父がわたしを遣わしたことを証言しているのです。』（ヨハネ 5 章 36 節）
主イエスは誰もしたことのないようなわざやしるし、不思議、奇跡を行いました。
血で契約を結ぶ
『そして、契約の書を取り、民に読んで聞かせた。すると、彼らは言った。「主の 仰せられたことはみな行ない、聞き従います。」そこで、モーセはその血を取って、民に注ぎかけ、そして言った。「見よ。これは、これらすべてのことばに関して、 主があなたがたと結ばれる契約の血である。」』（出エジプト 24 章 7 節－8 節）
モーセは山へ上り、血で契約を結び、神の民を血で覆いました。
『また、彼らが食事をしているとき、イエスはパンを取り、祝福して後、これを裂き、弟子たちに与えて言われた。「取って食べなさい。これはわたしのからだです。」また杯を取り、感謝をささげて後、こう言って彼らにお与えになった。「みな、この杯から飲みなさい。これは、わたしの契約の血です。罪を赦すために多くの人のために流されるものです。』（マタイ 26 章 26 節－28 節）
『しかしキリストは、すでに成就したすばらしい事がらの大祭司として来られ、手で造った物でない、言い替えれば、この造られた物とは違った、さらに偉大な、さらに完全な幕屋を通り、また、やぎと子牛との血によってではなく、ご自分の血によって、ただ一度、まことの聖所に入り、永遠の贖いを成し遂げられたのです。』
（ヘブル 9 章 11 節－12 節）
主イエスは山へ上り、血で契約を結び、神の民を血で覆いました。
旧約聖書には、エリヤやイザヤ、エレミヤ、サムエル、ダビデのような偉大な者が数多くいました。
しかし、モーセのような預言者はひとり主イエス・キリストであり、イスラエルの真実のメシアです。
Written by - Rubin Rothler LLB, LLM Examples abound in history of how the responses to innovations in technology that disrupted and transformed the nature of warfare have taken a delayed time to be adapted. Chain mail and armour had to be altered and bolstered to repel arrows from the English Longbow in Medieval Europe, but this didn't occur in time to the dismay of the French at Agincourt. It took the Spanish decades to redesign their cumbersome Galleons that lay prey to the swifter English ships. Napoleonic era field tactics were still being employed during the American Civil War, with mass charges mowed down by the Gatling barrel machine gun. Trench warfare was only later embraced during WWI. With the cheap manufacture of drones and the advances in AI a new chapter has opened in how war is waged in our own time. The conflicts in Ukraine and Iran have demonstrated how asymmetric warfare has become as much an economic calculation as a game of cat and mouse. Drones (and relatively cheaply manufactured ballistic missiles by Iran) are being shot down at great expense. AI which has been extensively deployed for target identification in Gaza is also proving to be a vital tool in hunting incoming drones. But as in the delayed development of military countermeasures historically, drones are ahead of AI in the battlefield. This is reflected in the enormity of Russian military casualties that have fallen victim to Ukrainian drones. AI is able to cut through the 'background noise' of distracting projectiles, birds and other debris to home in efforts to eliminate the actual drone target. The magic formula is speed and precision. Humans can detect and assess a threat, but AI can process radar, cameras and other sensors almost instantly, and with increasing accuracy predict where a drone intends to strike. When swamped with a wave drone attack, AI acts to identify and track the multiple threats. AI can also help decide how to respond. Depending on the system, the response could involve electronic warfare, an interceptor drone, a missile or a gun-based system. Ukraine has installed automated machine gun turrets instructed by AI to protect Kiev. In some cases, humans still make the final decision to engage, while AI handles the calculations and tracking required to make that decision quickly. More broadly, drone warfare is becoming a contest between autonomous systems. The challenge is no longer simply building a better missile or a better drone. It is building a system that can see the threat first, understand it quickly and respond before the drone reaches its target. In that sense, AI is becoming a critical part of air defence. The advantage may increasingly belong to whoever can make the fastest and most accurate decisions—not necessarily whoever manufactures the most expensive weapons. AI's pace of progress is exponential. It is beyond comprehension what capacity could be realized in even the next 2-3 years. The combination of drones, robotics and AI may render the traditional military hardware of tanks, frigates and fighter jets almost functionally obsolete. The development of AI's course of military application will be largely directed by the conflicts where it is deployed. In the pre-AI world of 1987, the black Friday market crash during the Reagan Administration saw a dangerous drop in the Dow, where computer analysis issued sell orders against a background of Reagan's massive budget deficits. Amidst Reagan's budget deficits this created an environment where social security was looted to fund defence spending. A supposed conservative President ran a fiscal policy with simultaneous increases in the Pentagon budget, coupled with tax cuts. The computer generated sell off was beyond the functional control of brokers and market makers, while the Soviets attempted to engineer market irregularities affecting the American economy which had further global ramifications due to massive American trade deficits with Japan under Reagan. The current Securities exchange environment is at best no less complex now. Given the spectre of what transpired in 1987 with computerised over control of stock exchange trading, and a shadow hanging over the bond market we are left to ponder could another such scenario be triggered in the age of AI? And even more illuminous prospect over shadows us now with the question can AI gain a decision-making operational capacity over command-and-control decisions. Certainly, for tactical weapons systems or even a doomsday scenario with Russia, China, India or Pakistan placing nuclear launch control in the hands of AI that could result in an exchange that either the US, Britain, France or Israel would be forced to react to. Without scaremongering it is necessary for strategic planners to prevent the nuclear powers that be from arriving at the precipice of such an abyss.
The interlinked nature of third-party involvement in the ongoing conflicts in Iran and Ukraine has increasingly come to the fore in recent weeks. It emerged that China has not only been providing Iran with radar systems, navigation tools, and electronic warfare technology, but also high-resolution satellite imagery and geospatial data to direct its rockets. The same great-power relationships that are shaping the Middle East are affecting the conduct and constraints of the war in Ukraine. It is apparent that a reciprocation in kind is dictating Russia's conduct towards the US in Iran. Intelligence and targeting support mirror similar U.S. assistance to Ukraine. But this picture becomes murkier when considering the backroom accommodations Trump is willing to give Putin. Recently, Trump pressured Zelensky to stop targeting Russian diesel infrastructure, saying the attacks were causing a shortage of the fuel that is "hurting the world." The U.S. national average price for diesel, which is used by trucks, trains, ships, and farm equipment, rose above six dollars a gallon for the first time last Thursday. Such interventions demonstrate how developments on the battlefield in Ukraine can no longer be considered independently of wider economic and geopolitical calculations. China has been using tankers that are already at sea, when that runs out the American blockade will create shortage problems for the Chinese economy, as China no longer gets Venezuelan oil and is reliant on Iran and international spot market prices. The war with Iran is now spreading to Yemen, with the Houthis attempting to replicate the Iranian chokehold model perfected in the Strait of Hormuz. The strategic importance of controlling or threatening critical maritime chokepoints is central to the wider contest. What happens in the Gulf can therefore have consequences for shipping, energy markets, and military calculations far beyond the immediate theatre. So far, the US has declined Saudi requests to slow the Houthi advance. Neither Turkey nor Egypt seems inclined to come to Saudi Arabia's aid. This is despite the signing of a very recent mutual defence pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan. More developments can happen in these conflicts on an average day than can be afforded mention, but they should be increasingly understood as interconnected parts of a wider geopolitical confrontation. Assistance in one theatre triggers reciprocal action in another. Consequently, these cease to be discrete, containable conflicts and are extending into prolonged multinational conflicts. There is a distinct possibility that these may become frozen conflicts over time. A more terrifying eventuality is something more akin to the Thirty Years' War, which was fought in the first half of the 17th century in Europe. It is important to remember that this calamity, which ravaged Europe, began as a localized rebellion that gradually drew in more and more powers. The initial religious nature of the fighting gave way to political struggles. The mechanism by which a localized conflict becomes a multinational struggle offers a historical warning worth considering. The danger today is that a collection of individually distinct conflicts could become sufficiently interconnected that containing any one of them becomes increasingly difficult. Iran, Ukraine, Russia, China, the United States, and the conflict involving the Houthis are already linked by military assistance, intelligence, energy, trade, and strategic competition. The question, therefore, is no longer simply how any one of these conflicts ends. It is whether they can remain separate conflicts at all. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
Moriel & Jacob Prasch request prayer for our sister in Jesus - Wendy Blomkamp, widow of Brother Fred Blomkamp (now with The Lord), the founder of Moriel South Africa Branch (not to be confused with Moriel's Ebyown Aids Children's Mission in South Africa founded by David Royle). Wendy, (an equestrian rider of all things) is originally from West Yorkshire, England but has lived most of her life in South Africa and is currently in retirement in the USA. Unfortunately, Wendy is diagnosed with inoperable pre terminal cancer with cardio pullmonary complications. The Lord will either intervene supernaturally or call her home. We request prayer for Wendy and her beloved family and wisdom for her physicians. In Christ, All at Moriel
The US midterm elections are around the corner and the results could have profound effects on US foreign policy concerning Israel. Much has been said about this vote being a referendum on Trump's unpopular war with Iran. But it can equally be said to be about Trump's other foreign policy engagements that are viewed rather more favourably like the overthrow of Maduro in Venezuela and his replacement with a pro-American regime. With Israel the picture is less clear. It used to be a given that Israel enjoyed bipartisan support on the Hill. You could count on the fingers of one hand the number of politicians opposed to supporting Israel - the occasional fringe Democrat representing a singular Michigan constituency with a high Arab origin demographic, or a rare odd ball Republican preaching strict isolationism. This dynamic has shifted quickly in the last decade. The Democrats have all but abandoned any inclination of a pro-Israel position. Even establishment figures like Chuck Schumer have been pressured to side with the Party's radical left wing. With 60-80% of Democrats now anti-Israel, Israel can no longer rely on Jewish Democrats to oppose anti-Zionism or antisemitism. The most outspoken Democratic member of the Senate advocating a pro-Israel position, Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania is being pressured to resign and leave the party even by Pennsylvania's Jewish Governor Shapiro and Soros sponsored Philadelphia Prosecutor Krasner. This is happening concurrently with mass endorsement from 170 leading Hollywood Jewish actors writing a letter of support for Mark Ruffallo - despite his antisemitic comments naming Jewish investors supporting a Hollywood studio mega merger as being associated with apartheid genocide. However most shocking, were the comments by Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel who stood before an audience of Jewish Democrats last weekend telling them they may need to sacrifice the safety, and even the future, of their own people in exchange for saving the rest of humanity. Such rhetoric is contrary to basic human instincts of survival and self-preservation. If any other nation were suggested this course of action, I wonder what their response would be? On the Republican side the foreboding sense of an altering course towards Israel no longer seems so distant. The anti-Israel faction in the Republican party led by Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens and Nick Fuentes are now being supported by Vice President Vance. Jewish kingpins in the Trump Administration such as Witkoff and Kushner have been tied to business dealings in N.Y. with the Muslim Brotherhood controlled Qatari government through its business holdings. Should Republicans lose control of the Senate while Democrats take the House, Israel could find itself having to drastically re-access its relationship with Washington. We wouldn't see an immediate break in ties. American military, intelligence, technological and strategic cooperation with Israel is too integrated into the core of US institutions and corporations that would take a protracted period to dismantle. However, the power of Congress is in no way feeble. Congress controls funding, foreign-assistance legislation, sanctions, arms-related legislation and, perhaps most importantly, the political milieu in which an administration operates. A Democratic House combined with a Senate no longer controlled by Republicans could place enormous pressure on Trump to alter his attitude towards Israel. Practically this could entail demanding further accountability from Israel over military operations in Gaza, and the West Bank Settlers causing civilian casualties and property damage. Military aid could face more conditions or restrictions, but an immediate cutoff is unlikely. Israel has historically depended upon the presumption that regardless of who was President, there would be a robust enough bipartisan coalition in Congress to prevent a major deterioration in the relationship. Now the opposite appears true. Israel is taking the gamble of solely relying on a friendly President like Trump getting elected to maintain cordial relations. With the erosion of even much of Jewish American support for Israel and the hijacking of the Democratic party by a pro Islamist socialist left seen in Mamdani and others, Israel is forced to confront the inescapable reality that the last strong bastion of support for it is the Republican Party's evangelical base. But even younger voters in this key demographic are beginning to question support for Israel. The hostility displayed by the Haredim in Jerusalem and elsewhere against Christians including evangelicals, is to say the least counter-productive to the national interest. To attack the one friend Israel has left with a proven track record of loyalty and is vital to pro-Zionism internationally, is particularly detrimental to the national interest. It is Iran with its Mahdiist interpretations of jihad and sharia as a religious ideology that drives its hatred of Israel and the USA, and The West, to the detriment of the interests of the majority of the Iranian populace who want non hostile co-existence. Such religious fanaticism and ideologically fuelled hatred ought not be given place in Israeli Judaism. It too, will generate adverse consequences for the majority of Israelis, including religious moderates, who desire an ongoing friendship with Evangelical Christians whose theology is not one of anti Semitism, but of proven Philo-Semitism and pro Zionism.
Don't bite the hand that feeds you - Irish hypocrisy towards Israel Rubin Rothler LLB, LLM Amongst European nations, Ireland in recent years has gained the reputation as being the leading anti-Zionist country. The Irish Republic has never been favourably inclined to Israel. It only established an Embassy in Tel Aviv in 1996. In poll after poll the vast majority of the Irish public have indicated hostility towards Zionism and strong support for Palestinian Statehood. The curious aberration to this is that in British Ruled Northern Ireland support is demarcated along sectarian lines. Catholic Republican areas predictably tend to ardently support the Palestinian cause, while Protestant Unionist communities are overwhelmingly pro-Israel. Perhaps some credence can be given to sentiments of traditional Catholic antisemitism hardwired into the Irish psyche as contributing towards this disposition. It was certainly odd that the Irish government promptly sent a delegation to the Nazi German Ambassador in Dublin to convey condolences after news of Hitler's suicide broke at the end of WW2. But more concretely if you were to ask the average Irish protester on a pro-Palestine march the basis of their empathy for the Palestinian cause, they would point to the ostensible parallels between the Irish experience of fighting for independence from British colonial oppression to the plight of Palestinians living under Israeli occupation. Further remonstrations on a diplomatic level concern the actions of the IDF interreacting with Irish Peace Keepers in Southern Lebanon that have caused the deaths of several Irish Peace Keepers over the decades in friendly fire incidents. Ireland has contributed the most peace keepers to this mission per capita and the government has condemned Israel for these deaths that they view as avoidable. This animosity towards Israel is unbalanced. There are reasons to consider that Ireland and Israel have a shared experience of national liberation. Both countries fought the British in the pursuit of independence. Both countries made great efforts to resurrect their ancient languages for modern wide scale use. Both the Irish and Jews form major diaspora communities in New York. Despite all this Ireland ranks as Israel's second largest export market after the US. The preponderance of Israeli exports to Ireland comprises electronic integrated circuits, micro-assemblies, and tech manufacturing components. American multinational colossal tech corporations like Intel are substantially engrossed in this trade through the chain of supply. Ireland and Israel are hubs for design and manufacture of high-tech hardware components for US corporations. So, due to the nature of the most prosperous and competitive sectors of their respective economies, Israel and Ireland are inextricably bound in bilateral trade ties. Resolutions from the Irish government to impose sanctions on West Bank originating produce is merely perfunctory rhetoric. Such actions amount to a drop in the bucket in terms of impact to overall trade. The stark reliance of Ireland on advanced Israeli aviation equipment recently caused a spectacle when Ireland's new government jet struggled to land in heavy fog due to it being ordered without an advanced Israeli made navigation system. This was directly due to a short-sighted government decision not to buy Israeli military technology. There is a marked disparity between the official position of the Irish government designed for domestic public consumption and the economic policies that it actually pursues towards Israel. The government is acutely aware that the US is massively invested in the Irish economy and they don't want to do anything to jeopardise this. Washington demands that their enterprises in Dublin are intertwined with operations in Israel. The Irish government dare not even prevent US military supply flights refuelling at Shannon Airport on their way to Tel Aviv. The Irish government knows that times change and now the gripping social issue is the anti-immigrant/anti-Islam popular street protests. Soon the anti-Israel protests could become a mere side show only really promoted by Sinn Fein given the pressing ramifications of mass migration. So, in the meantime certain politicians will rile against the occupation, purported genocide and pass paltry sanctions against insignificant produce from the West Bank. All the while making hand over fist in money with the Israelis where it really matters in tech. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
The Tide Has Changed Rubin Rothler LLB, LLM The America that Netanyahu touched down on is a changed America. The death of Lindsey Graham represents a changing of the guard. Graham was a staunch Israeli ally who will most probably become an increasingly rare breed in Washington. Sixty percent of Americans now hold a unfavourable view of Israel which politicians are finding difficult to ignore. It was once unthinkable to believe that New York City with such a strong Jewish electoral base and influence on all sectors of economic and cultural life would have a mayor that is so hostile to Israel to such an extent that he is calling for the arrest of its Prime Minister. From all accounts Netanyahu was cordially welcomed at the White House. The official press release stated that the talks were constructive. What is more telling is what was left unsaid particularly concerning the proposed sale of F35's to Israel's new regional adversary -Turkey. Trump is keen to find a swift resolution to the Iran War, while Netanyahu is opposed to a premature departure. When the US and Israel initiated their attacks on Iran over five months ago, Trump and Netanyahu appeared united in the War's goals and purpose. But as the protracted conflict has staggered to topple the Iranian regime fractures have emerged. Much has been said about the imminent political realities both leaders face. The Republicans could take a big hit in the November midterm elections should the war continue and global energy markets be negatively impacted. Netanyahu is anxious to demonstrate a big win to the Israeli public with the upcoming October election. In Israel, the Iran War is not viewed in isolation, but rather as an extension of the response to the colossal disaster of the October 7th massacre. Netanyahu must rehabilitate his reputation as a competent steward of national security having had the greatest loss of civilian life in an attack happening under his watch. Aside from the Iran issue, Trump is being pressured by Erdogan to insist upon Israeli withdrawal from Syrian territory pre-emptively seized by Israel following the toppling of Assad. Trump has also indicated disapproval of the extent of continuing Israeli measures against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, questioning the proportionality employed. Netanyahu is not in an envious position. Throughout his tenure and political career, he lauded his ability to engage successfully with the American public by zealously advocating Israel's position. Yet under his government Israel's reputation has plummeted in the US. Trump may be the last US President to extend such overwhelming bilateral support to Israel. The days of politicians like Lindsey Graham are fast ending. While John Fetteman and Marco Rubio appear to be remaining more solid, even some of the most warmly inclined leading Republican and Democrat voices like Donald Trump and Rahm Emanuel have nuanced their support for Israel. The tide has shifted and will at best level off if not continuing to shift further. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
The Saudi Nuclear Deal: An attempt to alter the Regional Balance of Power Rubin Rothler LLB, LLM The initiative to develop a civilian nuclear program in Saudi Arabia with US assistance isn't new. There were concrete plans discussed towards these ends during the first Trump Administration. The recent announcement to actualize this deal follows the geo-political regional tumult in the wake of the Iran War. Several dimensions of motivation underlie the US decision. An overarching US strategic agenda is to keep the Saudis firmly in the American sphere of influence. Washington knows all too well that the Chinese and Russians are eager to offer their nuclear technical assistance to the Saudis in order to draw them closer to their camp. On a personal note, the nuclear agreement is a significant achievement for Bin Salaman. The Saudis have long had designs to diversify their energy supplies. Having a civilian nuclear program also adds prestige to Saudi Arabia as an emerging market economy. For the US, a monopoly on contracting companies for the requisite construction offers lucrative economic opportunities. Although the Civilian Nuclear deal does not allow the enrichment of Uranium, the Saudis will be in a position to do so if Washington gives the green light. This will act as a counterbalanced threat hanging over the Iranians. After the recent flare up of renewed fighting with Iran due to their lack of adherence to the moratorium of understanding, something had to budge in Trump's estimation. A reconfiguration of the power balance in the Gulf by introducing the potential of Saudi Arabia to be able to acquire nuclear weapons shifts the dynamic and places further pressure on Iran to strictly abstain from nuclear proliferation. Despite Israeli concerns about the agreement, Trump sought to assuage their alarm by making it contingent upon Saudi Arabia normalizing relations with them. Given the inherently unstable nature of an autocratic Saudi regime Israel views a diplomatic relationship with the Saudis as being on precarious footing in the long term. Israel is already forced to contend with the implications of one nuclear armed Muslim state - Pakistan and it will further weaken its own deterrent capability if another similarly capable hostile neighbour were to emerge in the future. The roles of Turkey and Qatar in all this foray are a wild card. Officially Turkey is served under the NATO nuclear umbrella for defence that is subject to US control. However, its civilian nuclear program remains in its infancy. Now with the Saudi deal, Erdogan may be inclined to exert pressure on the US to help accelerate his own nuclear program. Just as Erdogan's efforts to acquire F35 fighter jets from the US greatly disturbed Israeli military planners, a heightened Turkish nuclear ability will intensify this fear. Qatar views itself as pursuing its own independent foreign policy that has managed to remain rather neutral during the current war, thereby escaping the ire of Iran's strikes on US regional assets. Overall, the Qatari government has grown closer to the Turkish vision for the region and so likely isn't particularly amiable to the Saudi agreement. Ultimately the Saudi deal is a gamble. Many will see it as throwing more fuel on the fire which will further imperil the tinder box region and heighten tensions. But Trump finds himself at a continuing impasse with a stubborn regime in Tehran that is leveraging their geographic hold on the straits of Hormuz to inflict damage on the global energy markets. Iranian strikes upon US Arab regional allies have underscored the de facto alliance between Israel and the Arabs against Iran and its Shia proxies. The US hopes to use the Saudi nuclear deal as a means of making this alliance official by having Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords as a pre-condition. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
Circling the wagons Ruben Rothler LLB, LLM Israel is a society riddled with tension and division. It is sociologically, if not politically miraculous that a country drawing Jews from all over the world is able to exist at all. The army affords a degree of integration as a melting pot. But this is only a marginal source of national unity in the overall scheme of things. More so are the myriads of external threats that face this small country. In the former generation the Ashkenazi (Jews of European descent) - Sephardic (Jews of Oriental descent) divide was far more pronounced. The dominant Ashkenazi establishment held the reins of political and economic power which was resented by the Sephardim. However, due to a combination of inter-marriage and political accommodation much of the chasm that separated these distinct groups was forged. Menachem Begin (an Ashkenazi politician) in 1970 successfully ran on the Likud Party ticket with a campaign that brought Sephardic Jews under his conservative political umbrella. Later the immigration of Russian Jews following the end of Communism would add a whole new dimension to the Israeli demographic milieu. The younger generation of these immigrants tended to adapt well to Israeli society and contributed much to the economy. The wider division in Israeli society that crosses ethnic lines concerns that between religious and secular Jews. This can be further bifurcated to the clash between the secular and specifically ultra-orthodox Jews (Haredim) as distinguished from the national religious Jews (Dati Leumi). The Secular and the Religious generally part on what they envisage a Jewish State to entail. Religious Jews desire the State to strictly adhere to the stipulations of Jewish Law (Halacha), while at present Halakhic influence is largely limited to certain areas of Family Law concerning Jewish citizens. Wider considerations of promoting a socially conservative political agenda would also be forefront amongst the religious mindset broadly. Secular Jews view the imposition of such proposed measures as a serious infringement of their civil rights. With regard to the Haredim, the bone of contention looms larger, in that this group is fundamentally opposed to participating in society at large. This is acutely manifested in diminished contribution to the work force and a refusal to be conscripted into the army. The 2023 judicial reform protests posed a significant threat to social civil order. The nation appeared to be bitterly divided into two opposing camps. This split reflected broader divisions concerning visions of how the country should be governed. The judicial reforms would have weakened the Supreme Court's ability to render the Executive branch accountable. However, the Supreme Court was also accused of using its considerable powers to promote a socially liberal agenda. Left wing secular Israelis tended to oppose the proposed reforms while those on the right (which included the majority of Religious Jews) supported the reforms. Every weekend droves of protesters were brought onto the streets causing major disturbances to traffic. The polarising nature of this impasse threatened the future of Israeli democracy. It was the October 7th attack that brought a swift end to this public debate and civil strife. The nation instinctually united in response to this common existential threat. The judicial reforms were shelved for a future point when the urgent security threats subsided. However, as the war dragged on the enduring issue of Haredi refusal to conscript into the army became more pronounced. Mounting casualties combined with ever increasing manpower demands to field troops on the multiple theatres of action on which the IDF is engaged has depleted the ranks, and the army is now in much need of fresh conscripts. Haredi belligerent refusal to participate in the pressing national defence has escalated from being a political debate to a matter of very practical vital importance. Overall we can observe that the challenges to national unity in successive generations since the establishment of Israel has recurrently been ameliorated by the common necessity of defence towards outside threats. Most recently we can see this happening with regard to the global anti Semitism and anti-Zionism that has been raging since the October 7th atrocities. These hostile attitudes have paradoxically acted as a force which promotes nationalism and a sense of national cohesion in Israel that otherwise might not functionally exist. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
A Divided Nation Rubin Rothler LLB, LLM The Haredi community has had a complicated, paradoxical relationship with the State since its founding. Rooted in a Talmudic precept that the Jews are forbidden to resettle the land of Israel en masse by force before the coming of the Messiah, the secular democratic State of Israel presents itself as blasphemous by its mere existence. Yet due to practical considerations such as the need to obtain funding for its religious academies the Haredi leadership reached a settlement with the State's founders that exempted Haredi men from being conscripted for military service. This was at a time when the Haredi population in Israel was relatively small. Over the past decades this demographic ballooned until the point that soon the majority of Jewish children in Israel will be born into Haredi families. Such a situation is clearly unsustainable. Recently the Knesset's (Parliament's) Haredi parties have pressured their coalition partners in government to codify Torah Study as part of the Country's Basic Laws. This was purposefully done to elevate the status of their institutions to be on parity with service in the IDF. Israel is yet to promulgate a written Constitution, so legislation classed as a Basic Law holds Constitutional status for all intents and purposes. These moves by the religious parties represent a back door power grab to enshrine in law very significant hurdles to prevent the enlistment of Haredi men. The burden of Israel's defence is comparatively massive for a country its size and it is vastly disproportionately shouldered by the secular population. Until now there have been political initiatives to conscript the Haredim. But given the huge manpower shortages emerging in the wake of near continual conflict on multiple fronts since the events of October 7th this matter has become urgent and not merely a theoretical discussion of what is fair and equitable. It is important to draw a distinction between the Haredim and national religious Jews (Dati Leumi). The Haredim adhere to a lifestyle entirely committed to observance of Jewish Law and Talmudic study. This is embraced to the exclusion of gainful employment and participation in wider society. They are either outrightly opposed to Zionism or consider themselves non-Zionist. Conversely, followers of the national religious movement in Israel although being observant of Jewish law and learning would alongside this pursue secular professions. Furthermore, they are ardently Zionist and disproportionately serve in IDF combat units. This is often done within the framework of a program called Hesder Yeshiva that combines religious learning with military service. Efforts to cater a similar model for accommodating Haredi participation in the IDF have so far failed to make substantial gains. Such measures designed to override Haredi objections to service based upon modesty concerns by strict segregation of the sexes in these specially formed units have failed to appease the Haredi leadership. For them, any form of military service is considered a dereliction of their duty to fully devote themselves to a Torah lifestyle. They argue that their Talmudic learning and prayers are in itself a form of national service and act to protect the Jewish people spiritually from enemy attack. It is as if two parallel societies exist within Israel. And the trajectory of separation between the two is only growing. The Haredim are cloistered away in their Yeshivas, immersed in lives devoted to adhering to the stipulations of Jewish law. While the particulars of actually running the State is left to the Secular. The Haredim desire all the benefits of subsidizing their lifestyle without contributing to society. What we really have going on here at source is two profoundly different and opposing ideological visions of what is important in life and what is the purpose of a Jewish State. At the State's founding these divergent perspectives were more manageable. Ben Gurion only had to contend with one religious party –the National Religious Party. Later in 1970 Begin aligned with the NRP to form a coalition government that also brought Sephardic Jews under the Likud umbrella which had the effect of bringing unity to the country by bridging the Ashkenazi-Sephardi divide. However, over time Israeli politics has seen a proliferation of religious parties, gaining further leverage as king brokers in forming governments due to the proportionate representation voting system which secular Israelis not uncommonly view as political blackmail. (Author is an Israeli American lawyer academically qualified in British and in U.S.A. law, and a graduate of the School of Oriental & African Studies, London. He is a Jewish believer in Jesus and is currently based in Israel).
